India`s diplomatic blitz at its peak in 2008

Ajay Kaul
New Delhi, Jan 4 (PTI) India's diplomatic blitz was at
its peak during 2008 leading to an end to 34-year-old nuclear
isolation but the government could not rest on its laurels as
a fresh foreign policy challenge arose in the shape of dealing
with Pakistan after Mumbai attacks.

As the year 2008 gave way to 2009, the government was in
the process of intensifying and expanding its diplomatic
offensive to build pressure on Pakistan to make it end
cross-border terrorism.

The Indo-Pak ties, which had witnessed a substantial
improvement over past one year, turned bitter after the Indian
embassy in Kabul was attacked on July 7 by Taliban with
cooperation of Pakistan's ISI.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh conveyed India's deep
concern to his Pakistani counterpart Yousuf Raza Gilani when
they met in Colombo on the sidelines of the South Asian
Association for Regional Coperation (SAARC) Summit on August
two.

Singh made it clear to Gilani that recent incidents had
put the relationship and future of the dialogue in a
"difficult" situation and Islamabad must act to address New
Delhi's concerns.

Tempers lowered somewhat when Gilani promised an
investigation to ascertain whether or not the ISI was
involved.

Even as India was awaiting the outcome of the probe
promised by Gilani, 10 heavily-armed terrorists from Pakistan
carried out well coordinated attacks of unprecedented nature
in Mumbai on November 26.

The three-day-long attacks, that virtually brought the
Indian financial capital down to the knees, angered New Delhi
and led to a fresh chill in bilateral ties.

While keeping all its options open in dealing with
continued cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan,
India launched an intense diplomatic campaign to highlight the
involvement of the western neighbour in the scourge.

The diplomatic offensive was successful in building
pressure on Pakistan as most of the world, including the US
and UK, were convinced about involvement of Laskhar-e-Taiba,
which operates in the new avatar of 'Jamaat-ud-Dawa'.

As the new year dawned, India's diplomatic initiative
was expected to gain momentum, particularly to make Pakistan
give up its denial mode and cooperate in ensuring punishment
to those behind the Mumbai attacks as also to prevent further
such incidents.

The challenge of dealing with Pakistan emerged even as
the government was basking in the glory of having ended over
three-decade-old isolation of the country in the nuclear
field.

Major part of the outgoing year saw the Indo-US
nuclear deal and related aspects dominating the country's
foreign policy discourse, with the government unleashing all
its resources and skills to ensure fructification of the
immensely crucial agreement.

The historic nuclear deal was clinched in October,
capping a three-year process which was marked by much hue and
cry domestically and intense lobbying internationally.

The deal, negotiations for which began in 2005, almost
led to the fall of the government as Left parties withdrew
support over the issue.

The Left parties, which were staunchly opposed to the
Indo-US nuclear deal and had restrained the government for
about seven months from going ahead, were angry at the
decision to approach IAEA for firming up of the Safeguards
Agreement. The Safeguards Agreement was necessary for
operationalisation of the deal with the US.

The withdrawal forced the government to seek a
Confidence Vote in Parliament, a test which it passed.

Soon thereafter, the government pulled all stops and
rushed to operationalise the remaining steps involved in the
deal with full speed.

First was to seek approval from the 35-member IAEA
Board of Governors for the India-specific Safeguards Agreement
with the UN atomic watchdog.

Government launched a vigorous diplomatic effort which
resulted in the smooth sailing at the IAEA Board.

The real hard test for diplomacy, however, came when
the nuclear deal reached the 45-nation Nuclear Suppliers
Group, which had to approve by consensus a waiver for India to
end its 34-year-old isolation in atomic field.

Getting waiver from the NSG was immensely challenging,
unlike the IAEA Board's approval, as even one member country
could have spoilt the party for India by either dissenting or
even abstaining.

India was rushing to conclude the deal with the US by
securing Congressional approval before the Presidential polls
there and hence wanted to get the NSG waiver, a key
requirement, before November.

A number of countries had reservations to granting of
waiver to India since it is not a signatory to NPT and fearing
that they could pose problems, government dispatched senior
ministers and officials to such nations to garner support.

Intense lobbying ensued and efforts went down to the
wire till the last minute as six countries maintained their
reservations, threatening to block the waiver.

Top diplomats, including Foreign Secretary Shivshankar
Menon and Prime Minister's Special Envoy Shyam Saran, worked
throughout the night of September 5-6, persuading and cajoling
countries, including China, not to block the initiative.

In fact, a demarche was issued to China past midnight,
making it fall in line.

Relations with China, otherwise, have been normal,
marked by exchange of top-level visits. Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh travelled to Beijing in January and Chinese
Premier Wen Jiabao returned the visit later in the year.

External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee also
travelled to Beijing while his counterpart Yang Jeichi came
here. Congress President Sonia Gandhi also travelled to China
in August to attend the closing ceremony of the Beijing
Olympics.

A number of other world leaders, including Russian
President Dmitry Medvedev, also came calling on Indian
leaders. PTI