(EDITORIAL from the Korea Herald on Dec. 30)

Media law dispute

During the final few months of the Roh administration, government authorities
forcefully closed down press rooms at administration offices. The government
replaced them with "integrated briefing centers" in two locations, introducing what
was dubbed the "advanced press support system." With the inception of the Lee
Myung-bak administration, the press rooms were mostly restored. Various other
restrictive measures under the "advanced system" were also abolished.

The new government, however, has its own media agenda to address. It has been
determined to take action as soon as possible, so as not to lose the momentum of its
early reform initiatives. So, the relevant authorities drafted seven media-related
statutes and submitted them to the National Assembly. Yet, this time, the objection
from opposition parties and journalists is as vehement as the opposition to the
previous administration's press reforms.

Some of the media bills are aimed at reducing government support for minor, liberal
news outlets. Others would criminalize cyberspace defamation and toughen regulations
on internet portals' news services. But the focus of the controversy is the
administration/ruling party's move to establish a wholly new system for the
ownership of television companies.

The revision bills to the Newspaper Act and the Broadcasting Act seek to allow
newspaper companies and larger conglomerates - with assets of over 10 trillion won -
to hold a 20 percent stake in terrestrial broadcasters, a 30 percent share in
"comprehensive" channels - those showing news, entertainment and sports programs -
and 49 percent of news-only channels. Lesser conglomerates can own even larger
shares in broadcasters.

These bills would bring about a sea change to the newspaper and broadcasting
businesses at a time when rapid technological advancement in the information
industry calls for a drastic shift in the traditional division of mass media. The
ruling Grand National Party asserts that such changes are necessary to increase the
global competitiveness of Korea's media industry, particularly citing the
integration of broadcasting and communications.

However, the realities of the Korean media world inevitably foment critical views on
the new conservative government's media reform initiatives. Major terrestrial
broadcasters, especially MBC, have clashed with the Lee administration over their
generally unfriendly coverage of the GNP's presidential campaign and the allegedly
biased reporting of the extended public protests over the U.S. beef import issue
last summer.

On the other hand, the three major conservative dailies, Chosun, JoongAng and
Dong-a, are regarded as the generators of public opinion favorable to the current
administration, although they have been critical of President Lee's major
appointments and recent economic moves. Offering them opportunities to advance into
the broadcasting business, along with conglomerates, is seen as nothing but an
attempt to help friends control foes in the eyes of the public.

The main opposition Democratic Party seems to believe that its diehard struggle
against the passage of the media bills, in alliance with the union of media workers,
has considerable public support. Its extremist action, however, is regrettable. Its
seizure of the speaker's chair in the main Assembly chamber is delaying the
deliberation of urgent economic bills. A breakthrough should be sought in
inter-party dialogue.

The ruling camp is recommended to put the media bills on hold and give priority to
other legislation to fight the current economic adversity. The media reform plan
still needs time to establish a consensus among the great many people who read
newspapers and watch television. The fate of the previous administration's media
policies should be