Filmmaker Nikita Mikhalkov's idea of control of media meets cool

MOSCOW, May 28 (By Itar-Tass World Service writer Lyudmila
Alexandrova) -- Russian cultural workers have signed another collective
letter with a proposal for establishing control over morality in the
media. The methods of enforcement vary - from public criticism to license
revocation. The main generator of the idea is famous film director Nikita
Mikhalkov, well known for his ultra-conservative views.
In society this initiative has met with a negative response.
A group of cultural figures led by Mikhalkov addressed President
Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin with a call for putting
the media back under control and beginning to promote the Russian Orthodox
Church on television.
According to the authors of the letter, the Internet and the media
today dictate alien values to the Russians. The authors point to
wholesale commercialization and the dominance of mass culture, the
transformation of Russian cinema into a branch of the American film
industry and to the disastrous impact of television on children's minds.
They propose a Public Oversight Board, which will "supervise the media'
s compliance with historically developed norms of morality." Such a new
body, in their opinion, will not have anything to do with political
censorship and begin to exercise control through "public criticism."
The proposed Public Board should include authoritative figures of
Russian culture, representatives of the Orthodox Church and other
traditional religions.
The message was adopted by participants in the conference of the
second Slavic art forum Golden Knight, which took place in Tula. It
gathered renowned filmmakers, writers, musicians, artists, theater
workers, officials and journalists.
Alongside Mikhalkov the letter was signed by actors Vasily Livanov,
Yevgeny Steblov, Aristarkh Livanov, Vladimir Khotinenko, as well as the
artistic director of the Maly Theatre, Yuri Solomin, chairman of the
Writers' Union of Russia, Valery Ganichev, and others.
Religion enjoys particular attention in the document: in the country
there should appear a national program on state television covering major
spiritual and educational activities conducted by the ROC and other
religious organizations.
This refers to activities and events that "constitute the spiritual
and moral basis of the existence of the state": Christmas and Easter, the
Day of the Baptism of Russia, Russia Day, Popular Unity Day, Victory Day,
the Day of Remembrance and Sorrow, Fatherland Defender's Day, the Day of
Slavic Writing and Culture, Family Day, Love and Faithfulness Day and
other holidays and anniversaries important to the country.
Now the function of control of the media is in the hands of the Public
Chamber - an informal people's parliament initiated by the Kremlin.
The chairman of the Public Chamber's commission for communication,
information policy and freedom of expression in the mass media, Pavel
Gusev, has criticized the idea of control of the media. "There was such
an initiative already a few years ago. It is absolutely futile and
harmful," said Gusev.
He dismissed the actors' proposal as a provocation. Gusev believes
that ethics in journalism can be enforced only through self-regulation.
On the contrary, the Russian Orthodox Church is glad. As the head of
the press service of the Moscow Patriarchate, Archpriest Vladimir
Vigilyansky, quoted by Nezavisimaya Gazeta, said, the ROC has "no
objection to such innovations."
"The Church has long had a proposal for the establishment of a public
council for morality on television," said the ROC spokesman.
The author of the initiative, world-famous film director Nikita
Mikhalkov, is known in Russia as an advocate of conservative, statist
beliefs. In October 2007 Mikhalkov wrote a letter to Russian President
Vladimir Putin, in which "on behalf of all representatives of creative
professions in Russia" he urged him to stay for a third presidential term.
The letter caused a great response. Firstly, it explicitly called for
violation of the Constitution, secondly, it was written on behalf of "tens
of thousands of artists and art and culture workers", who are unlikely to
have delegated such powers to the four authors, and, thirdly,
stylistically it was reminiscent of propaganda messages by Soviet-era
intellectuals to the Communist Party and Soviet government.
In October 2010, there was published the full text of Mikhalkov's
political manifesto, in which he outlined his views on the future of the
country and his proposals for a reform of the political system of the
country, including amendments to the Constitution.
The current social system, which is an acid mix of liberal
modernization trying to catch up with the West, arbitrary "local barons"
and pervasive corruption, does not suit a majority of Russians, he said.
The "gala show" of economic reforms and the "shop window" of liberal
institutions are still covering traditional, archaic social relations.
"The euphoria of liberal democracy is over! The time has come to get
down to business!" Mikhalkov said.
On March 9, 2011, Nikita Mikhalkov registered his account in the Live
Journal, nikitabesogon. According to Mikhalkov, he borrowed the nickname
from his patron saint Nikita Besogon (Nikita the Exorcist).
Some of Nikita Mikhalkov's actions sparked a controversy in society.
In particular, his idea the government should collect compensatory
fees from the production and import of data media and recording audio and
video devices for financing culture support funds.
Quite characteristic was Mikhalkov's statement regarding the
earthquake and tsunami that hit Japan recently. On March 16 he said it was
"God's punishment."
"Look at what is happening in Japan. It's not even a matter of faith,
but a matter of inner godlessness, the lack of understanding that you are
not the sole living beings. This continued use and humiliation of the
surrounding world leads to a moment when the Lord says: "What are you
doing?" And He sends a nine-point earthquake and tsunami to the poor
Japanese."
Mikhalkov's latest initiative, too, has sparked a lively discussion.
"In principle, there exist in the world public councils at state-run
television channels, which take care of the standards of morality somehow.
From this perspective, the idea in principle is sound - but not in the
Russian context," Radio Liberty quotes Nikolai Mitrokhin, a specialist in
the sociology of religion as saying. "This is a long-standing dream of
those who signed the letter."
This group, he said, was formed about 20 years ago. Regularly, about
once every two years, it comes out with the same initiative. Its aim is to
ensure the representatives of the so-called "national-patriotic movement"
should get a share of control over state television, where, in general,
they are not allowed.
"Like any such message, I think, this is just a meaningless noise."
"In my opinion, on Russian television there is ample and even
extra-large presence of the Russian Orthodox Church, which does not
correspond to its real weight in society," said Mitrokhin.